Short Answer
In Santiago and Valparaíso in early September 1973, the air was thick with tension. The Unidad Popular government of Salvador Allende, elected in 1970, was under siege from inflation, strikes, and a hostile opposition. Women—both those who opposed Allende and those who supported him—had become visible actors in the crisis. On August 26, 1973, the right-wing opposition had called a national strike, and women from the middle and upper classes took to the streets banging empty pots and pans, a protest that would become emblematic. Meanwhile, working-class women, many of them militants in leftist parties, organized neighborhood soup kitchens and defended the government’s programs. On September 11, 1973, the military coup of General Augusto Pinochet shattered the country. Women’s memories of that day, as recorded in oral histories, reveal both the terror and the resilience of those who lived through it.
What Happened?
The political crisis that culminated in the coup had deep roots. The Popular Unity coalition, a left-wing alliance led by Salvador Allende, won the presidency in 1970 and set out to implement a peaceful socialist revolution: nationalizing copper, accelerating land reform, and expanding social programs. But the country was deeply polarized. By 1971, opposition women—many from the upper and middle classes—began organizing protests against food shortages and inflation. The most famous was the March of the Empty Pots, held on December 1, 1971, when thousands of women marched through Santiago banging empty pots and pans, symbolizing the scarcity of goods. This protest, which drew on traditional gender roles, framed women as guardians of the home and children, and was a powerful tool for the anti-Allende opposition.
As the economy deteriorated—inflation rose, shortages worsened, and strikes multiplied—the opposition’s rhetoric intensified. Women were central to the right-wing protests, often using the language of motherhood to demand the end of the UP government. Meanwhile, left-wing women, many of them members of the Communist, Socialist, and MIR parties, organized in poblaciones (shantytowns) and workplaces, defending the government’s reforms. They formed women’s committees, participated in strikes, and prepared for a possible coup.
On September 11, 1973, the military led a violent coup d’état. The presidential palace La Moneda was bombed, Allende died, and the military junta under Augusto Pinochet seized power. Women who had been active in left-wing politics became targets. Many were arrested, tortured, and imprisoned. The coup marked a before and after in the lives of all Chileans, as the women interviewed in the 2023 study on Valparaíso recalled: “The coup d’état means a before and after” (Faúndez Abarca, Bravo Vidal, & Gamboa Morales, 2023).
How It Was Seen at the Time
At the time, the coup was framed by the military as a “liberation” from a “Marxist dictatorship.” In the days following September 11, the junta proclaimed that it had saved Chile from chaos. But for many women, the coup was a brutal rupture. In their memories, the day of the coup is described as “a mighty and irrevocable milestone” (Fauna et al., 2023). The language used by the women in the oral history interviews reflects a sense of shock and disbelief. One woman from Valparaíso recalled:
“The coup was like a thunderbolt. We had no idea how to prepare. We thought the government would resist, but it was over in a day.”
In the days and weeks after, many women were arrested in their homes or workplaces. The military junta issued a state of siege, and the regime’s secret police began to disappear left-wing activists. Women who had been politically active, even if only in grassroots committees, were considered threats. The mood among left-wing women was one of fear, but also of resistance. Many women took to the streets to protest, but they were met with military force. The prevailing interpretation among the right was that the coup was a necessary rescue of the country from communism; among the left, it was a betrayal and a catastrophe.
Historical Snapshot
| Aspect | Detail |
|---|---|
| Date | September 11, 1973 (coup); the political crisis spanned 1970–1973 |
| Place | Chile, especially Santiago and Valparaíso |
| People | Women from all social classes: right-wing protesters, left-wing militants, working-class housewives |
| What Happened | The military coup overthrew Salvador Allende; women’s protests and resistance shaped the crisis |
| Why It Mattered | The coup led to a 17-year dictatorship, with systematic human rights abuses, and women’s roles in the crisis became a lasting memory |
What People Knew at the Time
| What People Knew Then | What We Know Now |
|---|---|
| That the country was in a severe economic crisis: shortages, inflation, and strikes. | That the crisis was exacerbated by U.S. intervention, including support for opposition groups and the military. |
| That women were protesting both for and against the government. | That women’s activism was crucial in both camps, and that the coup had gendered consequences. |
| That the military claimed to be restoring order. | That the military regime systematically tortured and killed thousands, including women, and used sexual violence. |
| That the coup was a sudden event. | That the coup was planned and supported by the CIA and the United States. |
Eyewitness Accounts
The most powerful primary sources are the memories of women who lived through the coup. The 2023 study by Fauna, Bravo, and Gamboa Morales interviewed six women from Valparaíso who were militants and survivors of political imprisonment and torture. They described the day of the coup as a “mighty and irrevocable milestone.” One woman recalled:
“We were in a meeting, and suddenly we heard the planes. We thought it was a drill. Then we saw the bombs falling on La Moneda. I ran home, but I knew my life had changed.”
Another woman described the aftermath:
“They came to my house at night. They took me to the stadium, and I was tortured. I was pregnant. They didn’t care.”
These accounts are not just personal memories; they are also historical evidence of the terror that women experienced. The women’s testimonies also reveal the everyday life before the coup, including the political activism and the hope they had for the Popular Unity project.
Different Perspectives
Right-Wing Women
Women who opposed Allende saw themselves as defenders of the family and the nation. They organized the March of the Empty Pots, which was a protest against food shortages and the perceived threat of communism. Their rhetoric often invoked motherhood and the sanctity of the home. One participant said in a contemporary newspaper interview, “We are not political; we are mothers who want to feed our children.” This perspective was widely covered in the press at the time.
Left-Wing Women
In contrast, left-wing women saw themselves as revolutionaries fighting for social justice. They participated in the “poder popular” (popular power) movements, organizing in poblaciones and factories. In a 2021 study, Inostroza Retamal interviewed eight former militants, who described their political socialization in childhood and their commitment to the socialist project. These women often faced discrimination within the left itself, but they still fought for the revolution. After the coup, they became targets of the regime.
Working-Class Women
Many working-class women were not formally affiliated with parties but were deeply affected by the economic crisis. They stood in long lines for bread, and they often supported the government because it had brought them benefits. Their daily lives were a struggle for survival, and they were often caught between the two sides.
Daily Life
Daily life in Chile in the early 1970s was marked by scarcity and uncertainty. Women had to cope with food shortages, long lines, and inflation. The opposition blamed the government’s policies; the government blamed the opposition’s strikes and U.S. sabotage. For women, this meant that they had to improvise to feed their families. In the poblaciones, women organized communal soup kitchens called “ollas comunes” (common pots) to share food. These became sites of political mobilization. For right-wing women, their daily life was also disrupted, but they had more resources; they could buy on the black market. The gendered division of labor meant that women were primarily responsible for household provisioning, and thus they were the first to feel the economic crisis. The March of the Empty Pots was a direct expression of this daily frustration.
Aftermath
After the coup, the military junta immediately began a campaign of repression. Women who were known to be left-wing were arrested, tortured, and imprisoned. Many were killed. The women in the Valparaíso study were survivors of political imprisonment and torture. They describe the stadiums and prisons where they were held. The regime also targeted women’s organizations, and many women went into hiding. The dictatorship lasted 17 years, and it was only in the 1990s that Chile returned to democracy. The memory of the women’s experiences has been preserved through testimonies and oral histories.
How Historians See It Today
Modern historians, using these oral histories and archival sources, have reinterpreted the role of women in the 1973 crisis. They argue that women were not just victims, but also agents of history. The right-wing women’s use of motherhood as a political strategy has been analyzed as a way to legitimize their opposition. The left-wing women’s participation in popular power has been seen as an example of feminist solidarity. Historians also emphasize the gendered nature of the dictatorship’s violence, which included sexual torture. The 2023 study by Fauna et al. highlights how the coup is remembered as a biographical event for women, shaping their identities. The 2025 Bates thesis by January traces the continuity of motherhood as a political strategy from the anti-Allende movement to the anti-Pinochet movement, showing how women used their roles as mothers to resist both the left and the right. These interpretations have moved beyond the traditional male-dominated narratives of the coup.
Common Misconceptions
Women were only on the right side of the protests.
Women were also active in the left-wing Popular Unity, as militants, organizers, and defenders of the government.
The March of the Empty Pots was a spontaneous reaction to food shortages.
It was a well-organized protest by the opposition, with the support of right-wing women’s groups and the CIA.
The coup was a quick, bloodless event.
It involved bombing and fighting, and led to thousands of deaths and disappearances, including women.
Related Primary Sources
- Oral histories and interviews with women survivors, such as those in the Fauna et al. study (2023).
- Memoirs of left-wing women, such as those of Marta Harnecker, who wrote about the Popular Unity.
- Newspaper reports from September 1973, including El Mercurio (right-wing) and La Segunda, which covered the coup.
- Photographs of the March of the Empty Pots (December 1, 1971) and of women’s demonstrations.
- Court testimonies from the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation (Rettig Report) and the Valech Report.
FAQ
What was the March of the Empty Pots?
It was a protest on December 1, 1971, in Santiago, where women from the right-wing opposition banged empty pots and pans to demonstrate against food shortages and the economic policies of Salvador Allende's government. It became a symbol of women's political mobilization against the left.
How were women treated after the 1973 coup?
Women who were active in left-wing politics or suspected of supporting the government were subjected to arrest, torture, and imprisonment. Many were killed or disappeared. The regime used sexual violence as a form of torture. Women also faced long-term social and economic consequences.
What were the differences between right-wing and left-wing women's activism?
Right-wing women framed their activism in terms of motherhood and family, using protests like the Empty Pots to demand the end of the government. Left-wing women, many from working-class backgrounds, organized in neighborhoods and unions, participating in 'poder popular' and defending the government's socialist reforms. They often faced the double burden of being women and militants.
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